The Evolution of Nationalism and the “Bangladesh First” Doctrine: Tarique Rahman’s Politics

Nationalism is not a doctrine preserved unchanged in historical amber. It is a living form of political consciousness through which a sovereign community continually reinterprets its collective memory, constitutional covenant, security interests and developmental aspirations.

Ernest Renan’s celebrated proposition that “the existence of a nation is…a daily plebiscite” reminds us that nationhood depends not only on ancestry, language or territory, but also on the continuing consent of citizens.

Benedict Anderson similarly defined the nation as “an imagined political community,” limited and sovereign.

The word imagined does not mean fictitious; it means that citizens who will never meet nevertheless understand themselves as members of a shared political community.

In postcolonial societies, nationalism legitimizes sovereignty, defines political membership, organizes historical memory and establishes the moral relationship between citizen and state.

Yet when the cultural nation- ethnos- is treated as identical with the constitutional people- demos- solidarity may become exclusion.

South Asian nationalism moved among anti-colonial resistance, linguistic mobilization, religious majoritarianism and territorial citizenship; each form contributed to state formation but could also marginalize minorities.

Bangladesh emerged in 1971 through an emancipatory nationalism rooted in Bengali language, culture, democratic representation and resistance to economic exploitation.

Bengali nationalism supplied the moral energy of liberation. Sovereignty, however, transformed the central political question.

The issue was no longer only how Bengalis could achieve self-determination, but how the new republic could include every citizen, including communities that did not identify ethnically as Bengali.

This problem appeared during constitution-making when the citizenry was defined as Bengali.

Manabendra Narayan Larma’s historic objection in the Constituent Assembly challenged the assimilation of peoples possessing their own languages, customs and ancestral histories.

His intervention exposed the distinction between cultural identity and constitutional citizenship.

The republic has since continued to negotiate the relationship between Bangalee cultural identity and Bangladeshi legal identity.

In theoretical terms, this is the tension between an ethnocultural nation and a civic nation.

It was within this setting that Former President Ziaur Rahman articulated Bangladeshi nationalism.

Its principal innovation was to relocate national identity from exclusive ethnocultural markers to territorial sovereignty, citizenship and common political destiny.

Citizens were united not by identical lineage or language, but by membership in an independent republic.

The formulation emphasized territorial integrity, multiparty democracy, national production, rural development, cultural distinctiveness and an independent foreign policy.

It sought to distinguish the sovereign identity of Bangladesh from the wider cultural geography of the Bengali-speaking world and to create an umbrella under which different ethnic and religious communities could coexist.

Former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia inherited this tradition under different conditions.

Her leadership against autocratic rule and the 1991 restoration of parliamentary government demonstrated that Bangladeshi nationalism could operate through electoral legitimacy.

It became associated with parliamentary politics, economic liberalization, export-led growth and female education.

Nevertheless, a winner-takes-all culture of boycotts, distrust and executive control persisted.

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s politics and the 31-Point State Reform Outline emerged as a response to this institutional crisis.

“Bangladesh First” may be understood as both a nationalist commitment and a doctrine of governance.

Its central claim is that Bangladesh’s welfare, dignity, sovereignty and decision-making autonomy must guide domestic policy and foreign relations.

This is not necessarily isolationism or autarky. It resembles strategic autonomy: international engagement remains indispensable, but partnerships must be assessed according to reciprocity, sustainability and national interest.

In this sense, sovereignty is not withdrawal from the world; it is the capacity to engage the world without surrendering independent judgment.

The doctrine’s most important normative possibility lies in civic nationalism. Political membership should arise from equal citizenship, constitutional loyalty and participation in common institutions- not religious affiliation, ethnicity or inherited status.

Jürgen Habermas’s concept of constitutional patriotism is relevant here: allegiance is directed toward democratic principles and institutions capable of treating citizens as free and equal.

Cultural pluralism is equally necessary. Bengali language, literature and the Liberation War remain foundational, but national culture also includes Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Garo, Santal, Manipuri and other histories.

Unity creates a shared constitutional future; coercive uniformity produces alienation.

A pluralist “Bangladesh First” must protect minority languages, include diverse histories in education, prosecute communal violence and treat all religious and indigenous festivals as elements of the national inheritance.

Decentralization is crucial. The principle of subsidiarity holds that decisions should be taken at the lowest effective level.

Predictable fiscal transfers, elected local institutions and participatory budgeting could enable communities to address local needs, reduce pressure on Dhaka and deepen participation beyond national elections.

Human-capital development is another pillar. Technical and vocational education in information technology, renewable energy, logistics and healthcare can move Bangladesh beyond informal work and low-wage manufacturing.

Overseas employment should shift toward certified professional mobility, while diplomatic missions provide legal and emergency support. Citizen-centred nationalism must protect Bangladeshis wherever they work.

The doctrine returns to the Liberation War’s promises of equality, dignity, democracy and social justice.

Its ethic of “service over conflict” seeks to transform politics from a struggle for spoils into public responsibility and civic virtue.

Yet party-based service must remain voluntary and non-partisan, never replacing the state or controlling public benefits. Internal accountability and zero tolerance for corruption and violence are indispensable.

The 31-Point Outline translates these values into institutional design. Prime-ministerial term limits seek to prevent personalized executive dominance.

A bicameral legislature could widen deliberation by incorporating regional representation and specialized knowledge.

Reform of Article 70 could allow members of Parliament greater independence on ordinary legislation while preserving stability on budgets and confidence votes.

Judicial independence, an effective Election Commission, an autonomous Anti-Corruption Commission, a National Ombudsman and a merit-based civil service are elements of what constitutional theory calls horizontal accountability: state institutions checking other state institutions.

In foreign affairs, “Bangladesh First” rests on strategic autonomy, reciprocal realism and sovereign equality.

Relations with India require cooperation on trade, borders and equitable water sharing without compromising national interests.

Chinese investment should satisfy transparency, debt-sustainability and local-employment tests.

Ties with the United States and European Union remain essential for trade and technology, while partnerships with Turkey and the Islamic world can support energy, defense and action on the Rohingya crisis.

The movement from Bengali nationalism to Bangladeshi nationalism and then to “Bangladesh First” reflects changing stages of nation-building.

Bengali nationalism generated liberation; Bangladeshi nationalism supplied a territorial civic identity; Tarique Rahman’s doctrine seeks to carry that tradition into institutional reform and developmental governance.

Its ultimate value will depend not on slogans but on the quality of citizenship it creates.

A strong nation is one in which families possess social security, farmers receive fair prices, young people acquire useful skills, local communities share power, minorities worship without fear, Parliament restrains the executive and diplomacy protects sovereignty without producing isolation.

Properly interpreted, “Bangladesh First” places neither the state above the citizen nor the majority above the minority.

It places human dignity, constitutional equality, accountable institutions and the collective welfare of the people above partisan advantage- and thereby offers a possible ethics of democratic statecraft.

(The author is a Political Analyst and Teacher at the University of Dhaka)