Badrul Huda Sohel :
The late Dr. Zafrullah Chowdhury, founder of Gonoshasthaya Kendra, once praised the former Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), Habibul Awal, prior to his appointment in 2022.
He remarked, “Many people do not have strength in their waists, but Habibul Awal is honest, bold, and just.”
Sadly, under the leadership of CEC Habibul Awal, the nation experienced what many consider the worst-ever 12th parliamentary elections in 2024. Even more unfortunate was the deafening silence that followed – no one came forward to condemn the election process strongly.
I was curious about Dr. Zafrullah Chowdhury’s post-election reactions, especially given his deep concerns about national elections. But he had already left this world before the elections took place, leaving behind his worries and worldly attachments.
Rabindranath Tagore aptly said, “Manush ja chay ta vul kore chay, aar ja pay ta chay na” (Men mistakenly desire what they want, and what they get, they do not truly want). When the gap between desire and reality widens, suffering begins, and agony intensifies. Our democracy, which has been strangled for the past 15 years, is now gasping for air.
History shows a pattern of ruling parties tactfully sidelining the main opposition from national elections. Elections were held, but the results often lacked credibility and proved to be short-lived. These temporary gains have led to long-term damage. Take Muammar Gaddafi, for instance.
After coming to power through a coup in 1969, he ruled with an iron fist for 42 years, suppressing opposition – until his eventual downfall.
Our own history is not without parallels. In 1986, the third parliamentary election was held while Ershad was in power, and it was boycotted by the BNP. Within 17 months, Ershad dissolved the parliament under pressure. Again, in 1988, Ershad managed to stay in power for another two and a half years after the fourth parliamentary election, also boycotted by both the BNP and the Awami League.
Then came a shift in 1991. The first election under a non-partisan caretaker government marked a democratic transition from a chaotic past.
An unusual situation occurred in 1996 when two parliamentary elections were held – one in February under the BNP government, boycotted by the major opposition parties, and another in June under a caretaker government. Ironically, the mistake the BNP made by holding elections under its regime in 1996 was later repeated by the Awami League after assuming power in 2009.
The Awami League, through constitutional amendments, oversaw three consecutive controversial elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024. Despite holding power for 15 years and 7 months, the party ultimately fell in the face of a student-led mass uprising and fled the country. The message is clear: if the will of the people is disregarded, it’s only a matter of time before they rise and reject such power.
A review of our electoral history shows that elections held under caretaker governments have been more acceptable both at home and abroad. Today, although there are continuous attempts to influence the interim government on electoral matters, most political parties remain silent regarding much-needed reforms proposed for the Election Commission.
The Electoral Reform Commission has recommended several vital changes to strengthen democracy and ensure transparency and accountability. However, there appears to be little interest among political parties in implementing these reforms – such as scrapping the use of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs), introducing re-elections if less than 40 percent of votes are cast in a constituency, or instituting a “no vote” option.
Political parties seem to forget that anyone who gains power through unfair means, disregarding public sentiment, will eventually face the consequences. The upcoming election, to be held under an exceptional government – one born through the sacrifice of many lives – is a critical test.
A robust filter must be applied to prevent dishonest, incompetent, and corrupt candidates (as determined by court verdicts) from entering the race. The current government, therefore, deserves both time and support to adequately prepare for this crucial task.
If consensus is not achieved among the Election Commission, the government, and political parties regarding electoral reforms, serious doubts may arise.
Though elections are held every five years, how many of our past election commissions have truly earned the people’s trust?
Trust in the Election Commission can only be rebuilt if the public sees that elections are not being conducted merely to maintain constitutional continuity.
The Commission must shoulder the Herculean task of disqualifying incompetent, corrupt, and dishonest candidates while prioritizing the people’s right to vote. Hence, drastic reforms within the Commission are essential. Without independence, empowerment, and protection from external interference, the Commission will amount to little more than serving old wine in new bottles.
Let us remember that the people’s will is expressed through secret ballots, not through money or muscle power. If party leaders and activists fail to grasp this and instead pursue power at any cost, they risk losing all sense of right and wrong.
BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir recently made a timely and profound statement at a street rally in his home district, indirectly addressing controversial leaders and activists within his own party. He warned that if they engage in misdeeds such as extortion, the people will throw the BNP out just as they did the Awami League. This moment of self-awareness is notable – but the real question is: will the controversial figures within the BNP take his warning to heart?
(The writer is assistant professor and Head, Department of English, Ishakha International University).
