Post July uprising, politics yet to meet people’s desire

Reza Mahmud:

To remove the fascist political force Awami League from state power, many young people in this country sacrificed their lives selflessly. Countless others became permanently disabled.

Innumerable people lost their means of living and their possessions. But this enormous sacrifice was not made merely for a change of government or for the sake of one election. The purpose of the sacrifices made by the young and the masses was to ensure that fascism could never again rise in this country. The people’s aspiration was to bring about a lasting qualitative transformation in the country’s political culture. They wanted a politics built on mutual respect and tolerance to replace fascism.

It has now been a little over a year since the final downfall of the fascist Hasina and the Awami League on August 5, 2024. The question that has now come to the forefront is — has any qualitative change taken place in the country’s politics during this period?

While the interim government has taken several efforts of multiple reform agendas to change the system, many of the political parties disagreed on those.

Agendas of taking Proportional representation (PR) system and calling referendum on this also sparks disunity among the political parties and with the interim government.

The largest political party the BNP alleged the interim government has deceived the people in the name of National Consensus Commission. BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir on Thursday said the recommendations made by the National Consensus Commission on the implementation of the July Charter were ‘one-sided’ and imposed on the nation.

The National Consensus Commission has submitted its recommendations to the government to provide a legal basis for implementing the July National Charter. But we cannot agree with the other recommendations of the Commission, as they ignored issues where differences or notes of dissent existed and included matters that were never discussed during the long meetings,” he said.

When contacted, eminent political analyst Dhaka University Professor Dr. SM Ali Reza told The New Nation, “The historic July Uprising was not only a student protest—it was a generational reckoning with corruption, inequality, and authoritarianism. It encapsulated the frustration of a population long denied meaningful participation in governance and exposed the fragility of Bangladesh’s democratic institutions under prolonged one-party dominance.”

The Professor said, while the movement’s immediate outcome—the resignation of Sheikh Hasina—was historic, its true legacy lies in its redefinition of civic consciousness.

Talking with The New Nation Jamaat-e-Islami Assistant Secretary General and the party’s spokesperson Advocate Ehsanul Mahbub Jubaer highlighted the importance of unity among the political parties.

“There are many differences that might remain among the political parties, but in the point of national interest, all of us must be united,” he said.

Jobaer hoped that keeping differences aside, all parties will stand together for advancing the countries towards progress.

Revolutionary Workers Party General Secretary Comrade Saiful Huq also echoed the same.
The Comrade, however, said, “There is a lack of focus on national economy, political economy and social progress in the efforts of the interim government’s national conscious agendas.”

The people of the country also worried over the future political status as major parties yet to change their social behaviors.

Sharing opinion on this issue, Md. Nantu Miah, a 60up aged private service holder in Motijheel said, “Very little thing has changed through the bloody July uprising. The main thing was changed: the fascist ruler has been ousted. But mutual empathy and shared respect among the politicians and political parties are nearly emptied.”

Nantu and the other people expressed their frustrations saying extortions and dominance mentality of some political leaders are remaining the same to the Awami League. They said the people want to change such behaviour deeply.

Tasbir Ahmed, a 28 years old youth also shared nearly similar views over the post July politics. He said, “When we see some political local leaders are resuming the extortion culture very similar to the fallen Awami League people, it could not be tolerated.”

He said political parties have to understand that the people of the country have awakened. No further emerged fascist could be sustained by oppressing the commons.

Recently, at the anniversary event of a national Bengali daily, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir was seen engaging in a friendly conversation with senior leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami and even feeding them pieces of cake — a gesture that sparked widespread discussion in mainstream and social media. Had such a scene occurred a year and a half earlier, it would hardly have drawn attention, since at that time the two parties were allies fighting shoulder to shoulder against the fascist government. Even after their formal alliance ended, both parties had maintained mutual empathy.

However, following the unforgettable mass uprising of 2024, the two parties gradually became rivals and adversaries. With the upcoming national election in the post-Awami League political landscape, BNP and Jamaat have emerged as competitors for power.

As a result, leaders of both parties have for some time been trading hostile and bitter remarks against each other. Even conflicts have also been spread to their grassroots supporters.

Recently, BNP’s second most influential leader Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, said in a public speech that Jamaat’s former Ameer Maulana Motiur Rahman Nizami, leaders Mohammad Kamaruzzaman and Mir Quasem Ali, and BNP leader Salauddin Quader Chowdhury were all executed in false cases. Many are now searching for the underlying meaning of this comment and trying to interpret its significance. Some are even asking whether BNP’s stance toward Jamaat has changed, or whether this signals a new dimension in politics.

It may be said that both the remarks and the cake-sharing gesture of the courteous politician Mirza Fakhrul were nothing more than expressions of politeness — an extension of his naturally refined and civil political manners.

However, a report in one media outlet noted that some BNP leaders expressed irritation and discomfort over both the remarks and the cake-sharing scene.

While BNP’s Secretary General and top Jamaat leaders were spending a cordial moment together, the government’s Information and Broadcasting Adviser, speaking at another event, warned that political parties were gearing up for confrontation ahead of the election. He further asserted, “You will definitely see this conflict within a few months.” His remarks, delivered during a seminar on shrine culture, have also generated much discussion.

When such a key government adviser predicts political conflict surrounding the election, it cannot be easily dismissed. It is assumed that he was referring to a potential clash among the major rival political parties.

Only three and a half months remain before the election, with the official schedule expected to be announced within a month or so. In the meantime, rival parties like the BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and NCP have adopted conflicting positions on various issues. They are each separately presenting a list of demands to the government and the Election Commission. These three parties have also launched strong criticism against the current advisory council led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus.

The controversy does not stop with the advisers. Political parties are also making frantic efforts to reshape the election administration in their favor. Both BNP and Jamaat are accusing each other of appointing officials aligned with their own ideologies.

After the advisory council approved the amendment to the Representation of the People Order (RPO), controversies have also arisen over several provisions. Despite agreeing with the overall reform, BNP has objected to the clause on contesting under the symbol of an alliance’s leading party.

Meanwhile, Jamaat is standing firm on its demand to hold a referendum by November. The party continues to hold rallies demanding a proportional representation (PR) system for both houses of parliament, an election in February based on the July National Charter, a level playing field, and visible justice for the mass killings and corruption of the previous fascist regime.

The student-led party NCP, which played a leading role in the mass uprising, is vocal in its demand to dissolve the Election Commission and reconstitute it anew. Its dispute with the Commission over the “Shapla” symbol has reached a peak.

At a coordination meeting recently, NCP’s chief organizer for the southern region, Hasnat Abdullah, alleged that every institution in Bangladesh has now been divided between two political camps. He said, “The Election Commission is heading toward a disputed election.”

Experts said the July Uprising signaled the rise of a new political generation demanding justice, transparency, and inclusivity. Whether Bangladesh can translate this momentum into lasting democratic reform remains to be seen.

However, one thing is clear: the students of 2024 rekindled the nation’s belief that change is possible—through courage, unity, and the relentless pursuit of equality, he added.

(The writer is Chief Reporter, The New Nation)