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Personality cults and dynasties vs July aspirations

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Farrukh Khosru :

Politics across the Indian subcontinent continues to be defined more by personal allegiance to political figures than by ideology, policy vision, or institutional strength.

This enduring pattern has fostered a political culture steeped in personality cults and dynastic leadership, often to the detriment of democratic norms and effective governance.

Figures such as Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, and Narendra Modi in India; Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Ziaur Rahman, Khaleda Zia, Sheikh Hasina, and Tareque Rahman in Bangladesh, and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto, and Bilawal Bhutto in Pakistan have been elevated to near-iconic status.

These leaders are often revered not only for their political achievements, but through a lens of spiritual and cultural symbolism, deeply influenced by Hindu ritualistic traditions and Sufi Islamic thought.

This near-divine veneration is not merely spontaneous but cultivated through deliberate communication strategies, including orchestrated flattery, state-backed propaganda, and media narratives designed to amplify a leader’s authority. While such efforts may galvanise public support, they frequently undermine democratic institutions, discourage dissent, and entrench dynastic power.

Nowhere is this dynamic more visible than in Bangladesh, where political identities are closely tied to the Mujib and Zia families. Party offices and public spaces are dominated by their images, and loyalty to these legacies often supersedes policy debate or institutional accountability. National narratives are so deeply intertwined with family histories that criticism of the ruling leadership is usually perceived as anti-state.

This centralisation of political identity has contributed to deep polarisation and institutional fragility. Elections, the judiciary, and civil services are often perceived as tools of the ruling elite. Yet signs of change are emerging. In India and Pakistan, the influence of the Nehru-Gandhi and Bhutto families is waning.

In 2004, the Indian National Congress nominated Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister, marking a major break from its family legacy and contributing to a clearer separation between party leadership and the executive branch of government.

In Bangladesh, recent youth-led movements – most notably the July Uprising – have challenged the status quo. Though initially sparked by calls for merit-based recruitment, the protests quickly evolved into broader demands for democratic reforms and an end to dynastic dominance.

While the July Uprising led to a change in government, it did not fundamentally alter the state’s structure or socio-economic foundations, features characteristic of classical revolutions. Still, its symbolic impact was substantial, signalling a growing appetite among the younger generation for transparent, inclusive governance.

As democratic institutions gradually mature across South Asia, there are encouraging signs that voters, particularly the youth, are moving beyond legacy politics. Increasing political awareness and demands for accountability suggest a shift towards merit and policy-driven leadership.

Yet, for genuine democratic transformation to take root, political parties must reform from within. The cycle of dynastic control can only be broken through institutional integrity, ideological clarity, and open intra-party democracy.

The Gen-Z movement in Bangladesh has highlighted the country’s urgent need for a merit-based system that ensures economic freedom for its youth. It emphasised that merit, rather than party affiliation, should determine eligibility for positions in both the public and private sectors.

Ultimately, the state must serve its citizens, not its rulers. The future of democracy in the subcontinent depends on whether its politics can move from the personal to the principled.

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