What will be the destination of the July Uprising?

Syed Tosharof Ali :

History never moves in a straight line. It advances through winding paths, enduring many ups and downs.

Even after a movement, struggle, or mass uprising succeeds, the road ahead never remains smooth.

The defeated forces and those who benefited from them always continue conspiring to regain their lost power.

They devise various strategies to put the victorious side in danger. Even if they fail, they do not retreat from the battlefield; until they are completely destroyed, they persist in their efforts.

This is the pattern of history, this is the nature of class character. There has never been an exception.

Let us now look at the recent July–August mass movement. The prolonged regime of General Ershad came to an end through the mass movement of students and people in the early 1990s.

At that time, a consensus was reached among major political parties. Though reluctantly, the country moved toward democratic governance.

But it soon became clear that political parties managed in an undemocratic manner could not establish democratic culture. Street agitation and practicing democratic values are not the same.

Elections brought changes in government, but the rule of law, financial transparency, and accountability of the government were never ensured.

A binary or two-party system did emerge, but the country turned into a heaven of corruption.

This process was disrupted by the emergence of the military-backed, unelected two-year caretaker government of January 11, 2007.

This government initially received massive public support because of its tough stance against corruption.

But by trying to act upon public expectations while maintaining relations with political parties, it exposed extreme foolishness. Eventually, as promised, it handed over power to the Awami League through an election.

After assuming power, the Awami League scrapped various reform initiatives taken by the previous government. It abolished the provision for holding elections under a caretaker government.

It even refused to follow the universal precedent of dissolving parliament before elections. Given this, it is not difficult to understand what kind of mockery took place in the name of elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024.

Sheikh Hasina showed the ultimate peak of her authoritarian power by introducing the tradition of “night-time voting” for a daytime election. No political party could build an effective resistance against this extreme authoritarian rule.

It is not that they did not try—but they could not stand in the face of violence, lawsuits, enforced disappearances, and killings.

When the entire country was suffocating in darkness, the youth emerged like angels. They began an anti-discrimination movement against the quota system in government jobs.

No one imagined that this spark would spread like wildfire. The government had the preparation and experience to suppress such movements.

The police administration took to the streets with full force. Brutality was ordered from the highest level. But this time, the government could not prevent the end.

The public massively responded to the call of the students. They marched in endless columns. The sound of their footsteps echoed on the streets.

Thousands upon thousands marched; the streets trembled under the footsteps of youth. Police barricades collapsed. Law-enforcement forces became confused and directionless.

Young officers and ordinary soldiers were mentally prepared—they listened to their conscience: “You are soldiers. Your duty is to protect the nation, to protect the people.” And that was the end of the game.

Those loyalists on whom Sheikh Hasina relied to exercise her power could no longer ensure her safety.

Therefore, she had to flee. India knew very well that such a moment was coming for Sheikh Hasina. A vehicle had been kept ready to take her safely across the border.

She was given forty-five minutes to pack her belongings. Thus, in a dramatic manner, the chapter of Sheikh Hasina came to an end in history.

There are various interpretations of this historic change. Some call it a change of power.

Some say it is an important step toward fundamental transformation. Some believe it is the beginning of a social revolution aiming to establish social equality.

Some say it is the initiation of an unfinished democratic revolution aimed at establishing a capitalist democratic state.

Some believe it has within it a promise of Islamic social justice. But the young men and women who organized the movement have not yet clearly defined the character and direction of this July uprising.

They have formed a political party but have not yet released a manifesto. Judging from the situation, it is still too early to comment on how far this change will go toward building an anti-discrimination society.

Already, vested interests are regrouping. A sharp clash between new reactionary forces and the youth will soon erupt, and its full form will emerge in the days ahead.

To bring fundamental changes to society, one needs ideology, philosophy, organization, and leadership.

Government change is easy, but social change is difficult. It would have been easier if there were examples to follow.

But countries that created such examples eventually failed to sustain their transformation.

Bangladesh’s context is different. People have long been deprived of freedom of speech, personal freedoms, and press freedom. Assemblies require permission. Ordinary people are deprived of justice.

Fundamental rights and human rights receive no importance. The constitution contains amendments that contradict democratic values and good governance.

The prime minister was given immense power, encouraging dictatorial tendencies, with no safeguards for citizens.

The interim government is trying to carry out justice, reforms, and elections. But due to adverse circumstances, the task has become extremely difficult.

A nation accustomed to street agitation is not easily made to follow rules and regulations.

And this difficult responsibility has fallen upon Nobel laureate economist Dr. Muhammad Yunus—a man absorbed in intellectual pursuits.

Indian hegemony is a major obstacle to Bangladesh’s independent development. In anti-Bangladesh propaganda, India’s “Modi media” has lost credibility.

Sometimes even responsible officials issue threats to Bangladesh. In this reality, Bangladesh is compelled to turn toward China and other countries for self-protection.

The country can no longer afford the luxury of producing degree-holder unemployed youths. Every student must gain practical skills. They must know various aspects of agriculture and cottage industries.

To compete with Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, and China, they must achieve practical competence.

The new generation already knows that thinking and decision-making will be done by Artificial Intelligence (AI). Imagine how far we have come!

You, young men and women have shown immense bravery in defeating a fascist government.

But will you now, as unconscious instruments of history, bring about this change and then walk away?

If so, who will take responsibility for nurturing it? If that possibility does not shake your conscience, then, however harsh it may sound, your victory will again be snatched away—just as our previous victories were lost.

Can you not nurture this newborn change with the care of a midwife? Others may not be able to do it. If you remain just and truthful, the farmers, workers, and toiling masses will gather around you.

(The writer is Advisory Editor,
The New Nation)