Dr. Forqan Uddin Ahmed :
There exists a significant wage gap between public and private educational institutions in Bangladesh.
Teachers in MPO-enlisted (Monthly Payment Order) private institutions receive far less than government teachers.
For instance, according to a survey, the average salary of an MPO teacher is around 14,500 BDT, while a government primary school teacher earns about 20,700 BDT.
Government teachers also enjoy various facilities such as pensions, healthcare allowance, whereas MPO teachers receive none of these benefits.
Even in allowance structures, there is clear discrimination: government secondary school teachers receive 45–50% of their basic salary as house rent allowance (around 8,000 BDT per month), while an MPO-enlisted assistant teacher with the same qualifications receives only 1,000 BDT.
This disparity has turned into long-standing resentment among teachers. The movement by MPO-enlisted teachers and employees seeks to eliminate this internal inequality and establish equal opportunities and facilities.
Based on their demands, it can be seen that there are legitimate reasons behind the movement.
Statistics clearly show that an MPO-enlisted teacher at a secondary level earns about 6,000–7,000 BDT less than a government teacher, and their house rent is negligible.
Moreover, the lacks of social security and state benefits have made their lives financially insecure and difficult.
Experts believe that if the government increases investment in the education sector and honors teachers appropriately, it will contribute significantly to improving the quality of education for future generations.
Critics might argue that the movement has disrupted classes and hampered students’ learning, but the protesters claim that this was the only way to draw political attention to their years of deprivation and inequality.
Teacher leaders have said that their movement has been peaceful and without violence, and thus, not a crime. Many have viewed the police intervention in the protests as a violation of human rights.
No specific article in the Constitution of Bangladesh directly refers to government, semi-government, or private institutions. According to Article 13, MPO-enlisted educational institutions fall under the third form of ownership—private ownership (by individuals or groups).
However, nationalization is a process by which a state or government brings a privately owned organization, industry, or asset under public ownership. According to Article 97 of the Constitution, the President has the authority to nationalize any person or institution in the national interest.
The fulfillment of basic needs (Article 15), ensuring social justice (Article 19), and the state’s responsibility towards education (Article 18) can all be achieved through nationalization.
Although the Constitution of Bangladesh does not explicitly use the word “nationalization” several fundamental principles and provisions support the process of nationalization—particularly for achieving economic and social equality (Articles 13, 17, and 19).
When the government nationalizes an industry or institution in the “public interest,” it is considered part of implementing these constitutional principles. Article 17 (regarding the nationalization of education) emphasizes the establishment of universal and non-discriminatory education.
Therefore, through the nationalization of educational institutions, the government can build an enlightened and educated nation. According to Article 19 (Equality of Opportunity), ensuring equal opportunity for all citizens is one of the key responsibilities of the state.
Through nationalization, the government can create equal opportunities for everyone in essential sectors such as education, healthcare, and other vital services.
MPO-enlisted college teachers face numerous challenges, not only financial but also in terms of social dignity. Although they are recruited through government-approved committees, included in the national pay scale, and receive 100% of their salary and allowances from the government treasury, they are still unfairly labeled as “private” teachers. This “private” tag undermines their social status.
As all educational administrative offices are government-run, these teachers often do not receive due respect when they visit these offices for official purposes. There are also several irregularities in their service rules.
The provision of only one promotion throughout their career is irrational, discriminatory, and disrespectful. Promotion does not take into account merit, qualifications, or higher education and research achievements.
The current system of proportional promotion has created stagnation in the education sector. Overall, their demands represent a legitimate struggle for social justice and the restoration of teachers’ rights.
Following the recent movement, the government’s senior officials have expressed understanding and sympathy, indicating that many of the demands are indeed valid. Widespread public and organizational support further proves the justification of this movement.
Therefore, it can be said that the 2025 teachers’ movement in Bangladesh has proven itself legitimate as a fight for recognition and dignity after years of deprivation.
Recently, secondary-level teachers have been staging sit-ins in front of the National Press Club in Dhaka, voicing their demands.
This is not the first such protest—teachers’ movements have been ongoing since the days of Pakistani rule. Yet, even 54 years after independence won through immense sacrifice, the issue remains unresolved. Are teachers demanding government jobs through these protests?
The answer is a resounding “No.” Globally, the Ministry of Education is viewed as the “Ministry of Human Development,” responsible for building skilled human resources—a responsibility that lies squarely on the government. Thus, the state must bear the necessary costs and manage this sector.
However, nationalized institutions’ teachers and employees would not necessarily become government officers.
Teachers, as the conscience of the nation, should be able to speak up in times of crisis, think freely about society, organize for progress, and lead the nation forward—while remaining accountable to society and their students.
Teachers must assure guardians that the goal of their movement for the nationalization of secondary education is not to abandon their teaching duties.
Through widespread public communication, teachers need to make the public aware that their demands are not merely for their own benefit, but for the improvement of the overall education system and the development of skilled manpower for the nation.
Although teaching is a highly respected profession worldwide, in Bangladesh it lacks proper recognition. Teachers often face deprivation and neglect, leading them to spend much of the year protesting for their legitimate rights rather than teaching.
In conclusion, to overcome weaknesses in education, restore its lost prestige, and enhance creativity, the government must fulfill teachers’ reasonable demands—such as fair house rent, equal opportunity, and nationalization of education. Only then teachers can leave the streets and return to the classrooms permanently.
Otherwise, both the nation’s talented teachers and its future generations risk being lost to time. We hope that the current interim government—headed by an ideal teacher and education enthusiast, with an education advisor from the academic community and a legal advisor representing teachers—will not neglect or dismiss the legitimate demands of the teaching community.
The teachers’ movement conveys no positive message to the nation; neglecting education is a national failure. Therefore, the government must act sincerely to end this movement immediately by addressing teachers’ rightful demands and restore or regain its image as a teacher-friendly and education-oriented state in the eyes of the global community.
(The author is a Former Deputy Director General, Bangladesh Ansar and VDP, Rotary Learning Facilitator, Rotary Club, Dhaka Elite.)
